Democratic National Committee chairman Tom Perez says, “Our platform requires that we honor, fulfill and strengthen the federal government’s trust responsibility to American Indians. We take this responsibility seriously. That means we will stand with Indian Country and resist Trump’s disastrous policies.”
Violence against Sikhs in America — a faith based on equality with a heavy emphasis on social justice — can be attributed to a combination of ignorance about non-Christian religions, and a long history of racism. Sikhs wear turbans, but they are neither Hindu or Muslim; they are Sikh.
In the aftermath of 9/11, a Sikh in San Francisco’s Mission District stood at a bus stop in front of me wearing his turban with a ten-gallon Stetson hat on top. To me, this signified a dark humor about bigotry in the US.
Taking a cue from President Trump’s disdain for tribal activism, Whatcom County Prosecutor McEachran–a longtime anti-free speech fanatic–issues warrant against the Red Line Salish Sea Facebook page.
The Atlantic examines the growing rift between Reagan Republicans and GOP core constituencies of older, white, blue-collar rural inhabitants dependent on Medicare, and the working poor reliant on Medicaid.
In an investigative podcast about military atrocities against Third and Fourth World peoples in the way of mega-plantations, ProPublica reports on the criminal conduct of the World Bank. Focused on palm oil plantations in Honduras, where in 2009 President Obama supported the military coup enabling ‘sweatshop state’ development, the investigation is the latest revelation about the New Economy lauded by the UN in conjunction with uber-capitalists like Bill Gates.
In Residual and Resurgent Protestantism in the American Media (and Political) Imaginary, Stewart M. Hoover examines the evolving moral culture in the US, and the Protestant vision for America. In this essay, he discusses relations between religion and media, in particular the recurring Protestant anxieties over the progress of modernity.
Domesticating the American private sphere under a Protestant moral regime, he notes, relies on an imagined past. As Hoover observes, that imagined past “provides a powerful symbolic framing of values and ideals for received, commonsense, traditionalist readings of American cultural history,” evident in the fact that 75% of Trump supporters saw the 1950s as the ideal decade, the one they wanted to bring back.